American heroes, 1: Blanche Kelso Bruce
Up from slavery to the U.S. Senate
American history
AMERICAN HEROES, 1: BLANCHE KELSO BRUCE
Up from slavery to the U.S. Senate
Jennifer Richmond
Editors’ note: As we prepare for the 2025 publication, via FBT Publishing, Co., of Jennifer Richmond’s new book on pioneering black Americans, written in collaboration with the Institute for Liberal Values, the Coalition for Empowered Education, and us, Free Black Thought, we will release a monthly snippet here in the Journal. This month, the snippet celebrates Blanche K. Bruce, who was sworn in to the U.S. Senate on March 5, 1875, and, beginning on February 14, 1879, became the first black American to preside in the U.S. Senate. He served a full term. As we hope these snippets will show, the book will make a great addition to school curricula on American history. This month, we have added two bonuses to accompany our entry: first, a Character.AI character of Blanche Kelso Bruce that allows you to engage directly with his legacy; second, Winkfield Twyman, Jr.’s deep-dive essay on B. K. Bruce. Stay tuned next month when we celebrate another black hero of American history.
The journey of Blanche K. Bruce from enslavement to prominent political figure exemplifies resilience, determination, and a profound dedication to justice.
Bruce was born into slavery on March 1, 1841, in Farmville, Virginia, the son of an enslaved mother and a white plantation owner. His early life was marked by the harsh realities of enslavement, but even in those challenging circumstances, he exhibited an insatiable thirst for knowledge and a desire for freedom. After the Civil War, he seized the opportunity to pursue an education and became one of the first black Americans to achieve significant political office in the United States.
In 1874, Bruce made history by winning election to the U.S. Senate, representing Mississippi. And on February 14, 1879, he became the first black American to preside in the Senate, serving a full term, an achievement that symbolized hope and progress for black Americans in the post-Reconstruction era. Bruce understood the significance of his position, recognizing that his role was not just about personal achievement but about the broader struggle for civil rights and equality.
During his time in the Senate, Bruce was a passionate advocate for education, economic development, and civil rights. He championed legislation that aimed to improve the lives of black Americans, supporting measures that promoted access to education and economic opportunities. Bruce believed that education was the key to empowerment, famously stating, “I believe that the education of the colored people is the only hope for the future.”
One of Bruce's most significant contributions was his advocacy for the establishment of public schools for black American children in Mississippi. He worked tirelessly to ensure that black students had access to quality education, understanding that knowledge would be a powerful tool for defeating racism and ameliorating inequality. His efforts in this area laid the groundwork for future generations of black American leaders and thinkers.
In addition to his work in education, Bruce was a fierce proponent of voting rights. He recognized that the right to vote was essential for black Americans to have a voice in the democratic process. He fought against discriminatory practices that sought to disenfranchise black voters, advocating for fair electoral processes that allowed all citizens to participate in shaping their government.
Bruce’s legacy extends beyond his political accomplishments. He was also a successful businessman and an influential figure in the black American community. He established several businesses and became a respected leader, demonstrating that economic empowerment was integral to the fight for civil rights. His success served as a powerful example of what could be achieved through hard work and determination.
Notable quotations attributed to Blanche K. Bruce:
“The education of the colored people is the only hope for the future.”
“It is the right of every citizen to be heard in the councils of the nation.”
“The best way to secure your own rights is to secure the rights of others.”
“We must be up and doing and not be content with mere existence.”
“The ballot is the most powerful weapon in our hands.”
Notable contributions of Blanche K. Bruce:
Political Leadership: Bruce was the first black American to serve a full term in the U.S. Senate, representing Mississippi from 1875 to 1881. His election marked a significant milestone in American history, symbolizing the political empowerment of black Americans during the Reconstruction era.
Advocate for Education: Bruce was a strong proponent of education for black Americans. He believed that education was essential for empowerment and progress. He advocated for public schools for black children and worked toward improving educational opportunities in Mississippi.
Support for Civil Rights: Throughout his political career, Bruce championed civil rights and fought against discriminatory practices that sought to disenfranchise black Americans. He was a vocal advocate for voting rights and worked to ensure that black citizens had a voice in the democratic process.
Economic Development: Bruce emphasized the importance of economic empowerment for black Americans. He was involved in various business ventures and promoted policies that supported economic opportunities for black communities. His efforts contributed to the development of a more prosperous black American middle class.
Legislative Contributions: During his time in the Senate, Bruce supported legislation aimed at improving the lives of black Americans, including measures related to education, civil rights, and economic development. His legislative work laid the groundwork for future advancements in these areas.
Community Engagement: Beyond his political role, Bruce was actively engaged in his community, serving as a leader and mentor. He inspired others to pursue education and political involvement, fostering a sense of agency among black Americans.
Further Resources:
Blanche K. Bruce, Mississippi Encyclopedia.
Blanche Kelso Bruce: From Slavery to Senate, American History Figures, YouTube.
Blanche K. Bruce – Successful Farmer, Educator and Politician, Black History Online, Catherine Wambui.
Black Leaders During Reconstruction, History.com.
Hiram Revels and Blanche Bruce: America’s First Black Senators, Emerging Civil War.
Bonus #1: Interact with Blanche K. Bruce on Character.AI
As a small preview of the sorts of AI treats we at FBT have coming for you soon, we’re including this as a fun and edifying bonus here: a Character.AI character of Blanche Kelso Bruce, this month’s hero in our American Heroes series, that allows you to engage directly with his legacy. (Character.AI is a platform where you can chat with AI-powered representations of historical figures through text or voice. We made this one for B. K. Bruce) Click here to interact with Blanche Kelso Bruce: explore his story, ask questions, and hear his perspective come alive. Alternatively, scan the QR code below with your phone to access the character. If you don’t have the Character.AI mobile app, you’ll be prompted to install it after scanning—bringing Blanche Kelso Bruce’s voice and insights right to your device.
For a quick start, brief interactions don’t require a Character.AI account. For deeper conversations, sign up for a free Character.AI account to unlock extended features. And don’t forget to subscribe to the Journal of Free Black Thought to get our upcoming updates, which will soon include AI research tools to allow you to explore the work of heterodox black thinkers more easily and in greater depth than ever before.
Bonus #2:
FROM THE VIRGINIA PLANTATION TO THE U.S. SENATE
A Man’s Rise to Power
My old Harvard Law School classmate, Lawrence Otis Graham, Class of 1988, wrote the definitive biography of U.S. Senator Blanche K. Bruce (1841 - 1898). Graham titled his book The Senator and the Socialite: The True Story of America’s First Black Dynasty. On the front cover of the book is a marvelous image of Senator Bruce (R-MS) and his Old Money wife Josephine Willson (1853 - 1923).
I am a longtime fan of Graham and his penetrating analysis into the meaning of social distinctions within Black America. All Americans are better off for the author’s astute insights into associations like Jack and Jill and the Boule. See Our Kind of People: Inside America’s Upper Class. Some black Americans have understood how to make it, and succeed, in these United States of America for generations. I will use Graham’s seminal work into Senator Bruce and his family as source material for this essay.
Before I continue into this review of a man’s rise to power from nothing, I must suggest a minor quarrel with Graham’s subtitle The True Story of America’s First Black Dynasty. Graham learned to value family history at the feet of his father, Richard Charles Graham, so I know Graham would appreciate my slight digression before the main attraction of this essay.
What is a dynasty? According to Artificial Intelligence (AI), a dynasty is a series of rulers or leaders from the same family line. The Oxford Languages dictionary offers a complementary definition—“a succession of people from the same family who play a prominent role in business, politics, or another field.” Most definitions on the internet are congruent with this definition.
It is a bold assertion for Graham to argue Senator Bruce and his Old Family wife Josephine Willson Bruce were America’s First Black Dynasty. I get the marketing hook and all. Plus, being the first black U.S. Senator to serve a full term in the U.S. Senate is hard to argue with from the standpoint of family leadership. Just because a contrary view might be hard to argue with doesn’t mean there is no value in doing so for the reader. And so I would push back just a little on Graham’s sweeping framing of Black dynasties in American families.
Might there be a black American family with established leaders from the same family line before Senator Blanche Kelso and Josephine Willson Bruce? For my suggestion of an earlier prior in time black dynasty to make sense, consider that Senator Bruce was born a slave on March 1, 1841 in Prince Edward County, Virginia. His mother was a domestic slave whose body was infringed upon by her owner Pettis Perkinson. Graham uses the term “forced sexual relationship.”
It is fair to say the Bruce line as of March 1, 1841 was not in a leadership position. Blanche K. Bruce was a slave, the son of his owner and slave mother.
To be fair, Josephine Willson, born in 1853 in Philadelphia, was born into a dynasty of sorts. Her father, Joseph Willson, was a leading black dentist and commentator on the Black Elite in Philadelphia. See his The Elite of Our People: Sketches of the Higher Classes Among the Colored Society in Philadelphia. Dr. Willson’s book came out in 1841 which suggests the Willson family was comfortably ensconced within the Black Elite of the City of Brotherly Love as of 1841. Although Dr. Willson was born on February 22, 1817, I would not peg the Willsons as above the cares of wage-earners until the family moved to Philadelphia in 1833 courtesy of a major paternal gift in the form of a three-story home and 200 shares in the Bank of Augusta, Georgia. Dr. Willson’s father founded the bank and had a secret relationship with Willson’s free black mother. When the relationship became untenable, the banker father shipped off his common law wife and children to Philadelphia.
To state the obvious, Senator Bruce married up into the Willson family.
I know of a Black American family whose dynasty started even earlier, in 1790. On this date in Charleston, South Carolina, James Mitchell founded the Brown Fellowship Society in his carpentry shop on Beaufort Street. Mitchell migrated to Charleston from London, England. He married four women over the course of his life, including the daughter of the first rabbi in Charleston and a woman of Native American ancestry. Mitchell became a leader in the free black society and founded the first black self-help society in the New World. He envisioned the Fellowship Society as an elite and selective group of fifty men devoted to providing burial services for free blacks in town. His society would survive until the 1920s, even though Mitchell passed away around 1823.
That is leadership.
Mitchell’s son-in-law, Richard L. Holloway, Sr. continued the family tradition of leadership in Charleston. A member of the selective Brown Fellowship Society, Holloway Sr. learned the carpentry trade from his father-in-law, Mitchell. Holloway Sr. would eventually acquire 14 rental properties throughout the city and become one of the largest free black property owners in town. Held in high regard by family, friends and fellow residents, his portrait is the earliest known depiction of a black in Charleston.
Born on the fourth of July 1776, Holloway Sr. passed away in 1845.
Richard L. Holloway, Jr. (1807–?) continued the family’s tradition of leadership in Charleston. Only 1400 black officeholders are recorded by Columbia History Professor Eric Foner in Freedom’s Lawmakers: A Directory of Black Officeholders During Reconstruction. One duly remembered leader is Holloway Jr. I don’t like to use the slogan word “privilege” but Holloway Jr. checked all of the privilege boxes for his place and time—born free (check), mulatto (check), literate (check), carpenter (check). A third generation member of the Brown Fellowship Society founded by his grandfather, James Mitchell, Holloway Jr. engaged in business as a harness maker. He would build upon his father’s wealth and become of the wealthiest free blacks before the Civil War. Foner: “He owned $7,900 in real estate and one slave in 1859. […] He served on the Charleston Board of Aldermen in 1868 and was the first black in the state to sit on a grand jury.” The Holloway family qualified as a dynasty by the 1870s, I would suggest. His brother, James Holloway (1813–?) worked in the family’s harness and carpentry business and joined his brother Richard Jr. on the Charleston Board of Alderman. A nephew, James H. Holloway, was another third-generation member of the Brown Fellowship Society. He also worked in the family’s harness and carpentry business.
The leadership tradition continued into the fourth generation with Holloway, Jr.’s son-in-law, George Shrewsbury (1820–1875). A wealthy free black butcher, Shrewsbury leveraged city contracts and rental properties into a comfortable fortune. Blacks and whites respected Shrewsbury for his leadership. Both the Democrats and the Republicans recruited Shrewsbury for political office. He ran for Congress as a Democrat in 1872 and a Republican for City Council in 1873. His estate was around $28,000 when he passed away. And, of course, he was a fourth generation member of the Brown Fellowship Society.
Do these four generations of enterprise and leadership in a family qualify as America’s First Black Dynasty? Just a question, although it is hard to quarrel with the leadership and enduring legacy of a U.S. Senator. Maybe, the Mitchell/Holloway/Shrewsbury family qualifies as American’s first local black dynasty.
The Virginia Plantation
We begin our great story with a great offense. American slavery was a diabolical and dehumanizing condition. And so it occurred that a slave trader raped an African slave woman. Forced sexual unions stained life in the American South for too many years. It is part of the reason why some black American people are incapable of appreciating their Scotch-Irish ancestry.
The product of the forced sexual union noted above was a daughter named Polly, born in 1800. Polly was owned by the Bruce family and took their name. Polly was raised to be a house slave. She attended to domestic affairs inside the Bruce home and was spared onerous outdoors labor.
One day, the master Bruce died. Death was always a fateful event in the life of a slave. What would happen to one’s family? Would the family be split apart? Would one be sold away down South? It was fortunate for Polly that her master kept Polly and her six children together in his devise. Polly and her children were devised to Bruce’s daughter Rebecca. She married a man named Pettis Perkinson who became the new owner. Sometime around June 1840, Perkinson engaged in a “forced sexual relationship” with Polly Bruce.
On March 1, 1841, Polly gave birth to her first child with Perkinson, a married master. The baby boy was given the name “Branch” which he later changed in his teenage years to “Blanche.” His family name was Bruce. Polly would have at least four children with Perkinson. In Prince Edward County, Virginia in the early 1840s, Perkinson was perceived by the Bruce family as “a kind and considerate man. […] We were tenderly treated,” as Blanche later recounted. Our modern eyes and ears may be stunned by those recollections of the Virginia Plantation, however, try to place oneself in the position of Polly Bruce in 1841. Her growing family was together, a sacred circumstance. Perkinson never separated or sold any of the children from Polly. I suggest fathers have a visceral bond to blood children. Even if one’s children are of a different race, there is affinity. One might see oneself in a slave son or one’s mother in a slave daughter. I am speculating but it stands to reason.
We know from accounts of Henry Clay Bruce, Blanche’s older sibling and half-brother, that Blanche and his siblings were favored over the plantation slaves who had no blood relation to the white Bruce and Perkinson families. Choosing favorites makes sense to me since people are human, despite differences of skin color and status.
Although “it was a crime [under Virginia state law] to teach a Negro to read,” Perkinson did not care about the law. In fact, he felt it was a positive good for his slaves to be literate as long as they could not write. Go figure as to the reasoning of a slave master father.
Perkinson arranged for Henry and Blanche to be tutored alongside Perkinson’s son, William. Remember the overlapping relationships. William was white, the master’s son, and the half-brother of Blanche. Over time, Blanche and William became close friends. They played together and studied together on the plantation.
Perkinson and others on the plantation began to observe something special about Blanche. He displayed unusual intellectual curiosity at the age of six. In modern times, a teacher might have Blanche tested for the Gifted and Talented program. However, the year was 1847 and Perkinson could have been criminally prosecuted for his education of his slave son. People noted that Blanche could recite his alphabet, read numbers, and read dates. All the while, it was illegal to teach slaves on the Virginia plantation.
In 1848, an important milestone was reached. Blanche surpassed Henry and William in their studies. The education of Blanche was gathering steam.
The life of a slave was always subject to the tender mercies of the master. Sure, the Bruces had a good thing going as slaves of Perkinson but he was a conflicted man. He had no clear aim or purpose in his commercial life. It is one thing to stumble around if one is only responsible for oneself. It is quite another thing to be clueless if tens of humans are subject to your every whim.
And so in the fall of 1849, it came to pass that Perkinson decided there was more opportunity picking cotton in Mississippi. Mississippi! The Bruce family were house servants, not field workers! They traveled out to Mississippi and spent some of the worst years of their lives as slaves picking cotton around the clock under the hot sun. Henry reported that he was whipped several times a day because he could not keep up with work demands. It was horrible!
A future U.S. Senator picked cotton under the hot blazing sun at the constant risk of a whipping!
The only saving grace was Perkinson insisted Polly and her children would never be parted. Never. I suggest this vow indicates an unusual affection and attention on the part of Perkinson for Polly and his slave children.
An aptitude for education distinguished the Bruce family. As Henry recalled, “there was a trait of character running through my mother’s family, a desire to learn, and every member could read very well when the War broke out, and some could write.”
The Civil War
When the Civil War came, the Bruce family fell apart.
William and Blanche had talked about the coming war. William promised he would always fight for the Union and for emancipation. Blanche accepted William’s blood oath, no pun intended. In 1862, William broke his promise. His father and uncle were supporting the Confederacy. What could William do? William left to join the Confederate Army. Blanche never forgave his childhood friend, his half-brother.
Around this time, Perkinson manumitted Blanche. Blanche left the slave state of Missouri for Kansas. He did not reach back for his slave family, an uncomfortable fact that the politician Bruce would have to finesse in the coming years. Blanche was always vague about the circumstances of his leaving slavery. On the one hand, his parentage was the source of some embarrassment. Where did people think all of these mixed-race babies came from? But I digress. On the other hand, black people would not take well to Blanche deserting his family in slavery. One was supposed to reach back and help the less fortunate.
I believe Blanche, always a curious intellectual, felt his black family members were too comfortable with working tobacco fields and the tender mercies of Perkinson. Blanche wanted to engage the larger world as a free man!
Everyone has a near death experience. The future Senator was no different.
Having fled Missouri for Kansas and freedom, Blanche found himself in Lawrence, Kansas, a hub of activity for many free and freed blacks. Blanche calculated it was better to be away from a slave state like Missouri. Kansas might offer some solace. Blanche founded the first school for black children in Lawrence, Kansas.
In the early morning of August 21, 1863, Confederate Colonel William Quantrill rode into Lawrence. Colonel Quantrill and his men were intent on killing as many black men as they could. Blanche was attending to a sick friend. Blanche saw that he would surely die if he remained where he was. He said, “adieu,” to his ailing friend and ran for cover in the bushes. Certain death was at hand if the men spotted Blanche. Once the coast was clear, Blanche ran for the river nearby. The horsemen saw Blanche and gave chase. As Blanche recalls the situation:
Keeping my head under water, I managed to hide. […] The troopers rode in the river, searched everywhere without discovering my retreat, although they came within a few feet of me…”
Blanche survived what came to be known as the Lawrence Massacre.
Returning with his life to Missouri, Blanche created the first school for black students in the state. Learning remained a primal drive despite the madness of civil war all around him. In early 1865, Blanche got a job working on a Missouri newspaper’s printing press.
After the Civil War
When the War was over, Blanche returned to his family members living in Missouri. They were working on a tobacco plantation in Chariton County, Missouri. The sight of the Bruces slaving away alienated Blanche. They took comfort from the familiar whereas all Blanche could think of was possibility. He was no longer aligned with his black family. Picking tobacco was not the future.
In the summer of 1866, Bruce headed off for Oberlin College, where the first black graduate had been George Boyer Vashon, who graduated first in his Oberlin Class of 1844. A doorway to a better horizon seemed to open for Bruce, and he excelled at Oberlin. Indeed, he was recognized as the leader of his class in mathematics. The only problem was money. He ran out of money. Did Bruce apply for a loan? Yes, he did, and he was denied. What prospects did he have for collateral? Was he a good credit risk four years out of bondage? No, he was not.
In the darkest moments, men of destiny tend to find their inner resolution. Bruce vowed “I can and will win my way without it; there is a place for me and money, too. Both shall be mine.” Those are the words of a winner. I don’t care whether you are a former slave, a former indentured servant, or a former serf. Life is no match for steel resilience.
Our young man of resolution was on a mission of self-improvement. First stop, a job as porter on a steamboat. He listened to passengers and guests. The word was that great opportunity was opening up down South. Of all places, Mississippi became clearer and clearer in Bruce’s sights. Bruce arrived back in Mississippi in 1868, this time as a free man on the make. He settled in Bolivar County.
What inspired Bruce to throw his whole being into a future Mississippi was a rousing 1869 speech by James Lusk Alcorn. A former Confederate Brigadier General, Alcorn cast his lot with the new Republican Party as Reconstruction became a reality. Three points called out to Bruce. Alcorn said black people would get positions. Second, the country was changing. Third, the black man must have a role in it. All of the indicators were signaling Mississippi as a go for Bruce.
The stepping stones were in plain view…political office. Bruce could read. He could write. And he was driven. And the majority of the people in Mississippi were black.
Bruce’s first political position was the minor office as conductor of elections for Tallahatchie County.
In November 1869, the voters elected Alcorn Governor of Mississippi. Alcorn began to survey the landscape for competent and intelligent black leaders who might be of service to his agenda.
The 1870s and the Rise to Power
On January 13, 1870, a new decade rolled in and with a new decade came a wellspring of opportunities for the twenty-eight-year-old Bruce. Bruce received nominations for positions of postmaster and official doorkeeper for the Mississippi House of Representatives. Bruce lost both elections but these early defeats were misleading. Mississippi State Senator Henry Paine nominated Bruce for office again. This time, Bruce received sufficient votes and he was elected Sergeant-at-Arms for the Mississippi State Senate on January 17, 1870.
Bruce must have felt a burst of optimism. He wouldn’t turn twenty-nine until March 1. And movers and shakers in the state legislature had placed their trust in him. During this same month, the legislature had to fill three U.S. Senate terms. One position was a full term that began on March 4, 1871. A second position was for a longer unexpired term. A third position was for a short unexpired term. Governor Alcorn easily received the votes for the full Senate term beginning March 4, 1871. Provisional military governor Adelbert Ames was chosen for the longer unexpired term. This left the third, shorted unexpired term. The black legislators demanded that a black be selected for this Senate position. After a stirring prayer opening up the legislative session, the votes were delivered to Hiram Revels who became the first black U.S. Senator in American history. As John Roy Lynch, Member of the Mississippi House of Representatives recalled:
That prayer—one of the most impressive and eloquent prayers that had ever been delivered in the [Mississippi] Senate Chamber—made Revels a United States Senator. He made a profound impression upon all who heard him. It impressed those who heard it that Revels was not only a man of great natural ability but that he was also a man of superior attainments.
On February 23, 1870, Mississippi was readmitted to the Union.
On February 25, 1870, the U.S. Senate seated Hiram Revels as a Senator from Mississippi.
On March 10, 1870, Alcorn was sworn in as Governor of Mississippi. By this time, Alcorn had chosen Bruce as a black leader of interest, someone to be supported. The word was being spread that Bruce was “one of the most promising young men in the State.” Alcorn appointed Bruce as tax assessor of Bolivar County. In this position, Bruce was able to collect a 7% commission on property assessments. Bolivar County had a racial ratio in Bruce’s favor. There were 2,084 black voters and 590 white voters in the county.
On March 24, 1870, Ames took his seat as U.S. Senator from Mississippi.
It was the year 1871 and Bruce was a year closer to his destiny. In the Spring, he was sworn in as Bolivar County tax assessor. His slave background came back to haunt him in the fall campaign for Sheriff. His white Democratic opponent reminded Bruce he was little more than a former slave. How dare he deign himself capable of being the county Sheriff? The intelligent Bruce had a quick rejoinder for the voters:
My competitor said…that I had been a slave and therefore was unfit to fill the high office of Sheriff. I hardly knew how to meet this logic [except to] turn the laugh on my adversary. […] I frankly admitted that I had been a slave…but I had outgrown the degradation. [I said] had he been a slave…he never would have risen superior to his original condition, and would be performing menial offices even now.
That comeback put Bruce’s opponent in his place. Never again did the white Democratic candidate debate Bruce.
On November 7, 1871, Bruce easily won the race for Sheriff and tax collector. His duties included collecting county and state taxes, directing the selection of jurors and choosing election registrars. Bruce now benefitted from a constant stream of income. He earned fees of between $15,000 to $20,000 in his first year. This amount is the equivalent of $517,385 in today’s dollars.
The hand of Governor Alcorn continued to weigh in Bruce’s favor. In a short while, Bruce received an appointment as County Superintendent of Education. His lasting legacy was the creation of seven new schools in Bolivar County. Education continued to be a recurrent theme in Bruce’s life.
All politics is local. For the young ambitious Bruce, politics was Bolivar County. It came down to strategy really. He was the most influential figure on the ground when it came to taxes and law enforcement. And behind his back was U.S. Senator/Governor Alcorn who backed and supported Bruce for Alcorn’s own selfish reasons. A white Republican power broker in a black majority state like Mississippi needed competent black allies. As a former slave, Bruce understood the slave experience. As a mulatto, his skin color was not distasteful to whites. He could read and write. He wanted fame and fortune, Alcorn’s kind of man since Alcorn himself was reputedly one of the fifty wealthiest white men in the South. Bruce was a teacher, a sign of intelligence.
The chess pieces were coming together for Bruce.
In 1872, Bruce was named to the Board of Levee Commissioners for a district spanning three counties along the Mississippi River. This appointment expanded the realm of Bruce’s influence into more of the Delta Region.
At the Republican National Convention, the Mississippi GOP chose Bruce as the delegation’s secretary.
Bruce’s shrewdest move in 1872 involved real estate development. He founded the town of Floreyville behind the scenes as a skillful politician and investor. Floreyville eventually became the county seat which was part of the plan. A splendid financial opportunity for Bruce! He purchased land in advance of development while collecting large fees and commissions as he collected taxes.
Fast forward to 1873 and Bruce has become a major landowner in Floreyville. His house was the first home in the new county seat. Combining astute investment with local politics, Bruce ran for and was elected to the town’s Board of Aldermen. Bruce collected state taxes of $28,804.15 which would be $757,548 in today’s dollars.
Bruce epitomized business opportunity and enterprise. Yet, he was above reproach in his dealings. He was never accused of personal corruption. Graham writes Bruce was “always cautious and diligent in his record-keeping.”
It was 1873 and one could sense the universe was paving a way for the ascent of Bruce. He turned down offers to run for Governor on a ticket with U.S. Senator Alcorn. Imagine that! A former slave in Mississippi turning down an offer to run for Governor. This is Hollywood screen material. Bruce turned down another offer to run for Lieutenant Governor on a ticket with Senator Ames.
The world of gifted and young black politicians was not large in Mississippi. The ambitious crossed paths and knew one another. By this time, the young twenty-six year old John Roy Lynch was serving as a congressman in the U.S. House of Representatives. Bruce and Lynch struck up a friendship and a friendly competition. Bruce decided he would one-up Lynch. Sure, Lynch was a congressman in the U.S. House. Bruce would surpass Lynch and serve in the U.S. Senate. This is why the political chess player said “no” to a race for Governor and Lieutenant Governor. Bruce wanted the prize of U.S. Senator to outdo Lynch.
Oftentimes, great achievement in life is the simple product of a competitive spirit.
The November 1873 election proved fateful for the destiny of Senator Alcorn, Senator Ames, and the would-be-Senator Bruce. Senators Alcorn and Ames despised each other with a passion. Petty small stuff really. Alcorn’s heart desire was to be Governor again. He didn’t like being a Senator. Ames had the support of the Radical Republicans and most black voters. Bruce threw his support behind Ames, not his former benefactor and patron Alcorn. Ames was deeply grateful to Bruce for his support and, more importantly, for not campaigning for Alcorn. In exchange for his support, Ames agreed to support Bruce for U.S. Senator. We are dealing with politicians after all.
The political game of chess was in play. Bruce had made his move.
In the bitter 1873 election, Ames defeated Alcorn by a vote total of 69,870 to 50,490. Ames was the next Governor of Mississippi. Senator Alcorn seethed as he had lost to his foe. Bruce easily won re-election to his two county jobs. He was sworn in two months later.
When the January 1874 session of the Mississippi legislature commenced, black state legislators had the influence to demand Bruce receive the nomination for the full six-year term in the U.S. Senate. Bruce asked Governor Ames for his support over two white politicians who vied for the nomination. To Bruce’s advantage, Ames held animus against the two challengers. The Republican caucus nominated Bruce by a vote of 52 to 36.
On February 3, 1874, Bruce was elected to the U.S. Senate by the Mississippi state legislature. The vote in the State Senate was 25 yes votes out of 34 total votes. The vote in the State House was 74 yes votes out of 112 total votes. Bruce was 32 years old. Oddly, there was no press coverage. Any racial drama had been exhausted as people lost their collective minds over the earlier admission of Hiram Revels as the first black U.S. Senator on February 25, 1870. Bruce was an afterthought. Some may have felt Bruce would never be seated as had been the case with the first black congressman elected from Louisiana in 1868.
With growing confidence in his future, the U.S. Senator-elect invested in his future. Bruce took out a loan from the Marine Bank of Georgia to buy an 800-acre plantation on March 28, 1874. The Bruce plantation signaled that Bruce had arrived. The financial dropout from Oberlin College had achieved his vow. The Bruce plantation would remain in the family for decades. That’s a sign of destiny, of dynasty.
Memories are long in American politics.
“On the Friday morning of March 5, 1875, the first black man elected to a full term as senator of the United States, Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi, sat in seat number two of the Senate Chamber, awaiting his swearing in,” Graham writes. To understand this moment, a little context is in order. It was longstanding tradition for senators-elect to be escorted down to the well of the Senate chamber for the oath of office. Proper protocol was for the senior senator from one’s state to escort a new senator up to the desk for the oath. The senior senator from Mississippi was…you guessed it, Senator Alcorn.
“Senator-elect Blanche Kelso Bruce of Mississippi.” The Vice-President’s voice was loud and clear. Bruce stood alone, the only black man in the Senate chambers.
“Senator-elect Blanche Kelso Bruce. Of Mississippi!” No one came to escort Bruce down to the well and the desk for the oath of office.
I will let Senator Bruce tell the climax of this story:
When I came up to the Senate, I knew no one except Senator Alcorn, who was my colleague. When the names of the new Senators were called out for them to go up and take the oath, all the others except myself were escorted by their colleagues. Mr. Alcorn made no motion to escort me, but was buried behind a newspaper, and I concluded I would go it alone…[U.S. Senator from New York Roscoe Conkling] linked his arm in mine and we marched up to the desk together. I took the oath and then he escorted me back to my seat.
Conclusion: A Man’s Rise to Power began on a Virginia plantation on March 1, 1841. A child of a slave owner and his domestic house slave, Blanche K. Bruce rose from bondage to near death in Lawrence, Kansas and a lost college education at Oberlin College due to lack of funds. Bruce vowed to win his place in the world and money, too. As he completed his oath of office on March 5, 1875, the new U.S. Senator from Mississippi stepped into the annals of American history.
He made good on his vow.
Jennifer Richmond, an International Relations Specialist, supports liberalism and universal values and believes that we are at our best when protecting individual rights and freedoms. She worked in international relations for over 20 years, focusing on global geopolitics, intelligence, and East Asian policy, before turning her attention and cross-cultural skills towards the most polarizing issues within the United States and beyond. She is dedicated to learning how to communicate on difficult and polarizing issues, in good faith, to develop citizens (and herself) in building a strong and diverse community for democracy to thrive. She is the Executive Director and co-founder and serves on the Board of Directors of the Institute for Liberal Values. She also helps lead the Coalition for Empowered Education. Jen and co-author Winkfield F. Twyman, Jr. released a book together, Letters in Black & White: A New Correspondence on Race in America. Listen to their interview about their collaboration on the Free Black Thought Podcast with host Connie Morgan.
W. F. Twyman Jr., a former law professor, was born in Richmond, Virginia. He came of age in the New South in the 1970s. A graduate of the University of Virginia and Harvard Law School, Twyman is the co-author (with Jennifer Richmond) of the acclaimed book, Letters in Black and White: A New Correspondence on Race in America. His essay in the Pennsylvania Lawyer Magazine inspired the posthumous admission, in 2010, of the first black lawyer in New York state, George Boyer Vashon, to the Pennsylvania State Bar, which had denied him twice, in 1847 and in 1868. His previous articles for the Journal of Free Black Thought include “In Defense of President George Washington” and “Why Talk About American Slavery in 2024?” He writes at Substack here.
On the large canvas of American canvas, I'm reminded again how easy it is to lose the ground that had once been achieved. Bruce's achievement was heroic but we got lost in the desert again. I hope we can stay firm today.